U.S. Court Allows Human Rights Suit Against Former Bolivian President and Minister of Defense to Proceed

Cambridge, Mass. – The U.S. District Court in the Southern District of Florida ruled yesterday that the claims for crimes against humanity and extrajudicial killings could move forward in two related U.S. cases against former Bolivian President Gonzalo Daniel Sánchez de Lozada Sánchez Bustamante (Sánchez de Lozada) and former Bolivian Defense Minister Jose Carlos Sánchez Berzaín (Sánchez Berzaín). The cases, Mamani, et al. v. Sánchez Berzaín, and Mamani, et al. v. Sánchez de Lozada, seek compensatory and punitive damages under the Alien Tort Statute (ATS).

Judge Adalberto Jordan ruled that Bolivian plaintiffs have viable claims against Sánchez de Lozada and Sánchez Berzaín. Each of these plaintiffs has brought claims on behalf of a deceased relative who was targeted by forces under the defendants’ command. Among these plaintiffs are Eloy Rojas Mamani and Etelvina Ramos Mamani, whose eight-year-old daughter was killed in her mother’s bedroom when a single shot was fired through the window; Felicidad Rosa Huanca Quispe, whose 69-year-old father was shot and killed along a roadside; and Gonzalo Mamani Aguilar, whose father was shot and killed steps away from where he was farming potatoes.

“The decision is a great victory for the plaintiffs, whose family members were shot—targeted by Bolivian security forces commanded by the defendants,” said Judith Brown Chomsky, a cooperating attorney for the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR). “This judgment reaffirms that U.S. courts can hear actions brought against those who abuse human rights.

The complaints allege that in September and October 2003, Sánchez de Lozada and Sánchez Berzaín ordered Bolivian security forces to use deadly force, including high-powered rifles and machine guns, to suppress popular protests against government policies by targeting unarmed civilians in the indigenous Aymara community.

“Six years after directing security forces to target Bolivian civilians, Sánchez de Lozada and Sánchez Berzaín move one step closer to having to answer for their actions in a court of law,” said Jeremy Bollinger, an attorney with Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld.

“This decision is a reminder that foreign heads of state cannot act with impunity,” said James Cavallaro, the Executive Director of the Human Rights Program at Harvard Law School and a Clinical Professor of Law. “It’s a powerful example of how international law is making it harder for those who violate human rights to escape accountability simply by fleeing to another country.”

On October 17, 2003, both Sánchez de Lozada and Sánchez Berzaín fled to the United States. The complaints were filed in September 2007. Yesterday’s decision grants in part and denies in part the defendants motion to dismiss.

The legal team includes CCR cooperating attorneys Judith Chomsky, Beth Stephens and David Rudovsky; Steven Schulman, Jeremy Bollinger, Mike Small, and Chris Petersen from the law firm of Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP; James Cavallaro, Tyler Giannini, and Susan Farbstein from the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School; Jennie Green of the International Human Rights Clinic at the University of Minnesota Law School; Paul Hoffman of Schonbrun, DeSimone, Seplow, Harris and Hoffman; and Miami attorney Ira Kurzban of the law firm Kurzban Kurzban Weinger and Tetzeli.

Republished from ¡Juicio a Goni Ya!

International Climate Justice Tribunal Preliminary Hearing, Cochabamba, Bolivia 13th and 14th of October 2009

In the city of Cochabamba in the Plurinational State of Bolivia, on the 13th and 14th of October 2009, the International Climate Justice Tribunal held a Preliminary Hearing, receiving with great respect the initiative of the Bolivian social organisations and the international networks. The condemnation of seven cases regarding the impact of climate change and the violation of communities', peoples' and Mother Earth's rights was heard.

Preamble

The Earth's climate is changing at an accelerated speed due to (in)human action. The effects of the global temperature increase can be seen throughout the planet, and they are even higher than the scientists' forecasts. Climate change is the greatest problem mankind will face, not only due to its direct impacts but also because other existing problems will become more serious, such as poverty, famine, violence, gender inequality, land and food control, access to water and sanitation, amongst others. Therefore, climate change represents a serious threat against the basic elements of human life in different parts of the world: access to a water supply, food production, health, use of land and environment.

The current economic and political system, as well as the international set-up of trade, finance and investments which support exaggerated levels of consumption, are the main causes of the increase in the concentration of greenhouse gases, generated mainly by the burning of fossil fuels (coal, oil, gas and others). These are used to produce energy and for transport which maintains the current development model, as well as deforestation, industrial agriculture and the mining industry.

Climate Justice is based on the understanding that, whilst climate change requires global actions, the Northern Industrial Countries are historically responsible for having produced the greatest part (80%) of greenhouse gases over the last 250 years. Low cost energy -oil, coal and gas- has been the power behind their quick industrial and economic growth, without recognising the ecologic, social, financial and historical debt to the southern communities and nature, for which they are responsible. Southern communities and low income communities of the Northern Industrial areas have taken the toxic "burden" of mining and fossil fuels, their transport and production. Now these communities are facing the worst impacts of climate change.

Foundation and background of this Tribunal

Although this duty has not been entrusted to us by any formally constituted legal authority, we have become responsible for it in the name of mankind and in defence of civilisation and Mother Earth.

The initiative of this Tribunal reacts to the needs of responding to a lack of mechanisms and institutions which sanction climate crimes that have taken place so far. It does not have any binding state character, because its constitution and functioning do not originate from judicial power but from organised civil society. Its decisions seek ethical, moral and political meanings and wish to become the necessary force which requests that governments and multilateral bodies assume their responsibilities within the framework of equality and climate justice.

We are inspired by the initiatives of the people to establish Ethical Opinion Tribunals, such as the Russell Tribunal (1967), established to judge and condemn war crimes committed by the United Estates in Vietnam and which later on (1974-1976) prosecuted the crimes and human rights violations committed by the dictatorships in American countries. Also the Permanent People's Tribunal, founded in 1979 which, throughout the more than 30 years it has been functioning, has followed, anticipated and supported the communities' struggles against the wide range of violations of their basic rights, including the refusal of their self-determination, foreign invasions, new dictatorships and slavery of the economy and the destruction of the environment. We are also inspired by the work of other independent tribunals such as the International People's Tribunal on Debt and the Water Tribunal. They are all trying to highlight and qualify those situations in which the massive abuse of basic rights does not have recognition or an institutional answer and are legitimised by the tremendous will of the population, in contrast to the power of governments and companies.

Cases submitted at the First Hearing

Throughout this preliminary Hearing, the International Climate Justice Tribunal has seen the following cases:

CASE 1 "Accusation of violations of human rights resulting from global warming due to actions or omission of the countries included in Annexe I of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change". The proceedings are submitted by the Khapi community, La Paz, Bolivia.

CASE 2 "Victims of climate change and the negligence of El Salvador, in impoverished northern communities in the municipality of Jiquilisco". The proceedings are submitted by the Association of United Communities of Bajo Lempa". El Salvador.

CASE 3 "FACE PROFAFOR" proceedings against the Dutch foundation Forest Absorbing Carbon Emissions and others. Submitted by Ecologist Action of Ecuador.

CASE 4 "Climate impacts caused by the Initiative for the Regional Integration of South America (IIRSA)", proceedings submitted against the three members of Technical Coordination of IIRSA (Inter-American Bank for Development, the Andean Development Corporation, and the Financial Fund for the Development of Cuenca de Plata), as well as financial entities such as National Development Bank of Brazil, the European Union, Banco Santander (Santander Bank). Submitted by the Bridge Between Cultures Foundation, Bolivia.

CASE 5 "Violation of Human, Environmental, Culture and Labour Rights due to the application of the false solution to climate change, Agrofuel-Ethanol manufactured from sugar cane in Valle del Río Cauca". Proceedings submitted against the government of Colombia by the Sugar Cane workers of Cauca, Colombia.

CASE 6 "Boys and girls with a high level of lead in their blood in Cerro del Pasco (Peru) due to polluting gases and particles", proceedings against the Mining Company Volcan S.A. and the State of Peru. Submitted by the Civil Association of Centre of Popular Labour Culture, Cerro de Pasco, Peru.[1]

CASE 7 "DOE RUN PERU" proceedings against the Peruvian government and the company Doe Run Perú, due to the pollution caused in the Junin area. The case is submitted by CooperAcción, Peru.

General Comments:

The capitalist economic system has generated the climate change that we are currently suffering and prevents a quick and effective answer to its impacts. The international agreements about trade, finance and investments promote the increase of industrial fields of the intense use of fossil fuel and other natural resources, as well as the growth of industrial agriculture and livestock (including monoculture). All these activities produce large quantities of carbon and contribute to the destruction of forests which regulate the climate.

Considering the undeniable fact that Climate Change affects and will affect billions of people, systematically infringing all Human, Civil, Cultural, Economic, and Political Rights, we can define Climate Change as a Crime Against Nature. Likewise, due to its seriousness and systematicness, we consider that crimes against the rights of nature can be called "Crimes Against Nature".

There is first hand proof that the following Human Rights, which constitute the foundations for a dignified life for populations, of the most vulnerable groups have been violated by Climate Change:

- The right to life and safety: "Every citizen has the right to life, to freedom and personal safety". (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Act 3).

- The right to health "The Partner States in this current Agreement recognise the right of each person to enjoy the highest level of physical and mental health" (International Agreement of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Act 12).

- The Right to Water: "The human right to a water supply provides everyone with the right to enough water, at a reasonable price, physically accessible, safe and of an acceptable quality for personal and domestic use" (Committee for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment 15).

- The right to food: "The Partner States in the current agreement recognise the fundamental right of each person to be protected against famine..." (International Agreement of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Article 11)

- The right to a suitable quality of life: "Each person has the right to a suitable quality of live which ensures, as well as for his family, health and well-being, and in particular food, clothing, housing ..." (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Act 25).

- The right to subsistence: "In no case should a community be prevented of its own means of subsistence." (International Agreement of Civil and Political Rights, Article 1.2 and International Agreement of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Article 1.2).

- The right to the freedom of choice: "Every community should have free access to its natural resources... " (International Agreement of Civil and Political Rights, Act 1); "Every community has the right to freedom of choice..." (International Agreement of Civil and Political Rights, Act 1)

- The right to culture: "Each person has the right to participate in the cultural life of its community..." (American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Mankind, Act 13); "People who belong to minorities (ethnic, religious or linguistic) will not be denied their corresponding right, which is the same as for those other members in their group, to have their own cultural life." (International Agreement of Civil and Political Rights, Act 27) and the Universal Declaration of UNESCO on Cultural Diversity.

- The right to ownership: "Each person has the right to private ownership corresponding to the essential needs of a respectable life, and which helps to maintain the dignity of the person and home" (American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Mankind, Act 23); "Each person has the right to individual and collective ownership." (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Act 17).

- Right to freedom of movement and residence: "Each person has the right to establish their residence in their home country, to freely move around said country and to not have to leave unless it is their own choice". (American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Mankind, Act 8).

- Women's Right: "The Partner States should take into account the particular problems that rural women face and the important role that they represent for the economic survival of their families." (CEDAW, Act 14).

- Children's Right: "Every child has the right to life ...the Partner States will guarantee as much as possible the survival and development of children." (Convention on the Rights of the Child, Act 6).

- Right to a healthy environment: "Human beings: have the right to a healthy and productive life in harmony with nature." (Declaration of Rio, Act 1).

- Right to prior consultation: (act 6, 13 and 14, International Labour Organization Convention no. 169).

- Rights of Indigenous Communities (Established in the Declaration of the United Nations on the Rights of Indigenous Communities)

- Right to public demonstration and freedom of association (International Agreement of Civil and Political Rights).

- Rights against racism and discrimination (Established in the CERD of the United Nations Declaration and in the International Convention on the Eradication of all kinds of Racial Discrimination).

- American Convention on Human Rights

- Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Matters, "San Salvador Protocol".

- Right to work and Right to Strike.

- Various National constitutions.

It has been proved that Climate Change increases and deepens the existing injustices, including in particular, discrimination against indigenous communities and nations and women.

The application of the extractive and exporter development model - approved by governments and transnational corporations - is generating permanent and systematic conflicts against collective rights, misuse of land and the violation of nature's rights. Likewise with the Traditional Higher Right or Personal Right of indigenous ancestral knowledge for the handling of everything material and spiritual, whose fulfilment guarantees the balance of the Pachamama and the permanence of life.

There is a great need to provide an answer to problems caused by climate change, because the life of many communities and towns depend on this, as well as the welfare of Mother Earth. We can therefore see the need to provide an answer to the absence of regulations, mechanisms and institutions which sanction the breaches of the Kyoto Protocol and other compulsory commitments of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, as well as those responsible for climate crimes we are now facing.

Human rights are relevant to tackle matters regarding the effects of climate change, therefore the research should be on the foreign environmental damage carried out from this perspective; how responsibility should be shared, as well as the rights and duties of the perpetrators and victims of disasters, both in the public and private fields; this problem also poses the challenge of how to create effective mechanisms to ensure responsibilities are fulfilled.

We would also like to state that the criminalisation and prosecution of the social struggle and for climatic justice has become a systematic and permanent fact.

Specific Comments

The responsibility of governments, international financial institutions - including the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank, The Andean Development Corporation, the Financial Development Fund for Cuenca del Plata, the International Monetary Fund, other banks, transnational corporations and other actors has been highlighted with regards to the promotion of the plundering of Mother Earth and climate change through the granting of credits, technical consultation, conditions and other policies which contribute to the configuration, imposition and maintenance of a production and consumption model, called a development model, which generates financial, ecological and social debt and is unsustainable.

The responsibility was condemned above all, regarding the design and implementation of the Initiative for Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America, which includes more than 500 projects, including, in particular, the construction of the bi-oceanic Santa Cruz-Puerto Suárez road, the construction of a huge hydroelectric dam on the River Madera, the expansion of the mining industry in Peru, as well as in the case of Cerro de Pasco and La Oroya, and the exporting agro-industry in El Salvador. These projects not only contribute to the expansion of the model generating climate change, but they also significantly increase the vulnerability of the communities affected by the climate change impacts, violating both all the above-mentioned human rights including the most basic right of the use and control of the land by the people, which affects their survival.

The role of some governments, International Financial Institutions, businesses and corporate interests is highlighted in promoting and financing "false solutions" for climate change, including implementing in Ecuador single crop farming of trees by the Dutch company FACE, in order to generate carbon credits to compensate the non-reduction of emissions in the North, and the expansion of sugar cane farming in Valle de Cauca, Colombia, for the production of agro-fuel. These "false solutions" not only lead to serious social and ecological impacts, including the indiscriminate use of water, the effect on strategic ecosystems, the movement of communities, famine, diseases associated with the burning and use of agro-chemicals and the criminalisation of those persons and organisations who attempt to defend their rights and those of nature, but also increase the climate crisis by not offering real solutions to the energy problem and increasing emissions which affect the greenhouse effect.

In these cases, the lack of effectiveness of the so-called "market solutions" to solve the problems derived from climate change has been highlighted.

In the case of the Khapi community in Bolivia, the consequences of global warming underlined imply the violation of the right to land, life, culture, self-determination and health, as well as the imminence of the forced medium-term displacement of the community due to the melting of the Illimani glacier; this situation warns us of the extent and perversity of the impacts of climate change.

Likewise, it was highlighted in the ACUDESBAL cooperative case in El Salvador, how the demand for payment of the external debts accumulated illegally and the imposition of the Structural Adjustment Programme, have had a negative impact on the government's ability to prevent, protect and repair the damage caused by climate change.

Recommendations

Follow up the cases and formal complaints submitted to this Preliminary Hearing, analysing in-depth and coordinating the action of indigenous people and nations, social movements, popular networks and organisations in Latin America and the Caribbean and at a global level towards the constitution of the International Tribunal of Climate Justice and Ecological Debt, an initiative of the people which contributes to the efforts of some governments to make a real effort to stop climate change.

Incorporate in this Tribunal's action an in-depth examination of the different aspects of the problem whose proceedings have been submitted to this Preliminary Tribunal, including:

* The causes, impacts and consequences of Climate Change;

* The criminal absence of adequate and appropriate answers from the governments in developed countries, transnational corporations, International Financial Institutions and other interests unrelated to the Good Life to ensure the necessary reductions of gas emissions causing the greenhouse effect in the North, the transformation of the production and consumption model and the Southern countries' payment of the climate debt;

* The "false solutions" that these same actors offer with the consequential aggravation of climate change and violations of Human Rights and the Rights of Populations and Nature.

We also recommend the defenders of all the cases which investigate the possible infringement of the ILO Convention no.169 to submit the cases to the Defenders of the People, the Inter-American system of Human Rights, the Attorney General's Office of the Nation and the UN Commission on Human Rights.

The Tribunal also recommends:

1. Demanding that the governments in the industrialised countries in the North repair the climate and environmental debt which they have accumulated throughout history, based on the complaints and proposals raised in this document and based on the complaints generated by the people affected by climate change.

2. Urgently demanding the promotion and adoption of cautionary measures from governments which may avoid the repetition of crimes reported in this document, including:

· Not commodifying life and nature and the application of the principle of precaution in relation to "false solutions" to climate change;

· Suspending the participation of the International Financial Institutions in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change as well as other financial mechanisms which have aggravated climate change and increased the Environmental Debt

· Not generating new debt as a response to the financial and economic crisis raised.

3. That all governments take on the proposal set out in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change negotiations by the Bolivian Government together with other countries regarding the recognition and payment of the Climate Debt through a large, fast reduction of emissions in the industrialised countries in the North, as well as fulfilling their obligation to cover the costs of adaptation and mitigation in the countries in the South with resources and technology; that the resources should be channelled through an International Climate Justice Fund under the democratic, transparent control of the United Nations.

4. Progress on the in-depth analysis and development of a Declaration of the Rights of Mother Earth, incorporating the contributions of the indigenous people and nations as well as social movements, popular organisations and organised civil society throughout the world.

5. Support the proposal of the Bolivian President, Evo Morales, to found a Climate Justice Tribunal in the UN multilateral system to control and sanction the crimes against Mother Earth.

Suggestions for the following institutions:

1. The Organisation of American States should be more pro-active in its research, pursuit and, when appropriate, prevention with precautionary measures, or by bringing, if appropriate, trials before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, due to cases of ecological crimes and victims of Climate Change.

1. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights should promote research in the regions with communities worst affected by Climate Change, in order to compile the report and evidence, as well as progressing on the sanctioning of those responsible and the need to implement adaptation, mitigation and repair policies and measures.

2. The Inter-American Commission Human Rights should promote research in the regions with communities worst affected by climate change, in order to compile the proceedings and evidence, as well as progressing on sanctioning those responsible and the need to implement adaptation, mitigation and repair policies.

3. The UN, as well as the States accused in this tribunal, should start as soon as possible their exhaustive research to clarify the impacts of the extractive industry on Climate Change and how it affects the vulnerability of the populations affected by it.

4. The UN should take the need to research and work on a Declaration of the Rights of Mother Nature seriously and its consequential binding entities to construct an ideal and collective regulations to respect our planet.

5. The Governments, associations of lawyers and judges, the State Attorney General's Offices, the Inter-American Systems and the UN's requests to study the legal basis to judge the cases of violations of Human Rights due to the effects of Climate Change, as Crimes Against Humanity.

6. Finally, the governments responsible where the rights of the defenders of the people's and nature's rights are being violated, as for example Columbia, subject to proceedings in this court, or Peru, Honduras, El Salvador and other countries should end the systematic violation of rights and the criminalisation of those who campaign for human and environmental rights.


The Jury acknowledges the communities, the organisations and the social movements which have submitted these cases, and the social mobilisation and participation over the two days of the preliminary hearing of the International Climate Justice Tribunal in Cochabamba. We would also to like to express our deep respect, admiration and solidarity for the courage in which they face these extreme and dramatic situations caused by Climate Change. Thus we commit to continue the joint search for truth, justice and amends, and to continue fighting for climate and environmental justice and the development of an International Tribunal on Climate Justice and Ecological Debt.

Presented in the city of Cochabamba on 14th of October 2009.

Members of the Jury:

Brid Brennan, Coordinator of the Alternative Regionalisms Programme of the Transnational Institute (TNI), (Holland)

Nora Cortiñas, member of the "Madres de Plaza de Mayo-Línea Fundadora" (Argentina)

Beverly Keene, Coordinator of the "Jubileo Sur" Tri-Continental Network (Argentina)

Tom Kucharz, member of the Confederate Department of "Ecologistas en Acción" (Ecologists in Action) and of the Campaign "¿Quién debe a quién?" ("Who owes who?") (Spain)

Alicia Muñoz, President of the "Asociación Nacional de Mujeres Rurales e Indígenas" (National Association of Rural and Indigenous Women) and of the "Vía Campesina" (Rural Way) (Chile)

Ricardo Arnoldo Navarro Pineda, Co-founder of the "Centro Salvadoreño de Tecnología Apropiada" (El Salvador Centre of Suitable Technology) and "Amigos de la Tierra Internacional" (International Friends of the Earth) (El Salvador)

Miguel Palacin Quispe, Andean Coordinator of Indigenous Organisations (Peru)

Joseph Henry Vogel, Professor of Economics at the University of Puerto Rico-Río Piedras and of the Latin American Department of Social Sciences-Ecuador (Puerto Rico)


Notes

[1] In the case "Violation of Human, Environmental, Cultural and Labour Rights by the implementation of a false solution to climate change, Agrofuel-Ethanol manufactured from sugar cane in Valle del Río Cauca" Mr. José Oney Valencia Llanos, director of the Association of Sugar Cane Cultivators, was absent due to his arrest by the Colombian Administrative Department of Security when about to board the plane to Bolivia to present the case to this hearing.

Indian political awakening stirs Latin America

FRANK BAJAK (AP), JESUS DE MACHACA, Bolivia — In Ecuador, the Shuar are blocking highways to defend their hunting grounds. In Chile, the Mapuche are occupying ranches to pressure for land, schools and clinics. In Bolivia, a new constitution gives the country's 36 indigenous peoples the right to self-rule.

All over Latin America, and especially in the Andes, a political awakening is emboldening Indians who have lived mostly as second-class citizens since the Spanish conquest.

Much of it is the result of better education and communication, especially as the Internet allows native leaders in far-flung villages to share ideas and strategies across international boundaries.

But much is born of necessity: Latin American nations are embarking on an unprecedented resource hunt, moving in on land that Indians consider their own — and whose pristine character is key to their survival.

"The Indian movement has arisen because the government doesn't respect our territories, our resources, our Amazon," says Romulo Acachu, president of the Shuar people, flanked by warriors carrying wooden spears and with black warpaint smeared on their faces.

A month ago, the Shuar put up barbed-wire roadblocks on highway bridges in Ecuador's southeastern jungles to protest legislation that would allow mines on Indian lands without their prior consent, and put water under state control. On Sept. 30, an Indian schoolteacher was killed in a battle with riot police.

"If there are 1,000 dead they will be good deaths," says another Shuar leader, Rafael Pandam.

The Shuar won, at least this round.

A week after the killing, President Rafael Correa received about 100 Indian leaders at the presidential palace and agreed to reconsider the laws. Correa had earlier called the Indians "infantile" for their insistence on being consulted over mining concessions. But he didn't need to be reminded that natives — a third of the population — have become an indispensible constituent and helped topple an Ecuadorean government in 2000.

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Indians make up one in 10 of Latin America's half-billion inhabitants. In some parts of the Andes and Guatemala, they are far more numerous.

Yet they remain much poorer and less educated than the general population. About 80 percent live on less than $2 a day — a poverty rate double that of the general population, according to the World Bank — while some 40 percent lack access to health care.

The threats to Indian land have grown in recent years. With shrinking global oil reserves and growing demands for minerals and timber, oil and mining concerns are joining loggers in encroaching on traditional Indian lands.

"Indians have been progressively losing control and ownership of natural resources on their lands," says Rodolfo Stavenhagen, a prominent Mexican sociologist who spent most of the past decade as the U.N.'s chief advocate for Indians. "The situation isn't very encouraging."

Hence the revolt rippling up and down the Andes.

In Peru, south of the Shuar's lands, the government has divided more than 70 percent of the Amazon into oil exploration blocks and has begun selling concessions. Fearing contamination of their hunting and fishing grounds, Indians last year began mounting sporadic road and river blockades.

On June 5, riot police opened fire on Indians at a road blockade outside the town of Bagua, where jungle meets Andean foothills. At least 33 people were killed, most of them police. The Indians were unapologetic for resisting.

"Almost everything we have comes from the jungle," says one of the protesters, a wiry elementary school teacher from the Awajun tribe named Gabriel Apikai. "The leaves, and wood and vines with which we build our homes. The water from the streams. The animals we eat. That is why we are so worried."

Farther south along the world's longest mountain chain, Chilean police are protecting 34 ranches and logging compounds that Mapuche Indians have targeted for occupations or sabotage.

The Mapuche, who dominated Chile before the Spanish conquest, now account for less than 10 percent of its people and hold some 5 percent of its land — among the least fertile.

Mapuche activists agitating for title to more lands and greater access to education and health care stepped up civil disobedience this year. In August, riot police mounting an eviction killed one Mapuche, and eight were injured.

"If the government and the political class doesn't listen to our demands the situation will get a lot more difficult," Mapuche leader Jose Santos Millao tells the AP in Santiago. He rejects as a "smoke screen" President Michelle Bachelet's creation of an Indian Affairs Ministry in September.

Nowhere is Indian power so evident as Bolivia, which elected its first indigenous president, Evo Morales, in December 2005. Morales dissolved the Ministry of Indigenous Affairs and Original Peoples, calling it racist in a country where more than three in five people are aboriginals.

In February, voters approved a constitution that creates a "plurinational" state and accords Bolivia's natives sovereign status. Time-worn models of aboriginal government, community justice and even traditional healing are now legally on equal footing with modern law and science.

In the capital of La Paz, "cholitas" — Indian women in traditional bowler hats and embroidered shawls — now regularly anchor TV newscasts. "Miss Cholita" beauty pageants are in vogue and native hip-hop stars headline at nightclubs.

At the presidential palace, Morales — a former Aymara coca farmer who knew hunger as a child — makes a point of lunching periodically with the lowliest of palace guards. Morales is ensuring that profits from natural gas and mineral extraction are distributed equitably and that water — whose privatization in the city of Cochabamba spurred an uprising in 2000 — is never again privatized. He's also pushing to make electrical utilities public.

Morales has founded three indigenous universities, formalized quotas for Indians in the military and created a special school for aspiring diplomats with native backgrounds. And he is promoting a campaign to demand that all public servants be fluent in at least one native tongue.

"There is no way to return to the past," says Waskar Ari, an Aymara who changed his name to Juan in the 1970s so he would be accepted to a private high school in La Paz. Now a University of Nebraska professor, Ari likens his country's "rebirth" to the casting off of apartheid on another continent two decades ago.

"Finally," he says proudly, "Bolivia is no longer the South Africa of Latin America."

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The legal groundwork for the empowerment drive by Latin America's Indians was crowned by a September 2007 U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Though nonbinding, it endorses native peoples' right to their own institutions and traditional lands. It has been almost universally embraced by Latin American governments.

It has also helped Indians win some major legal victories.

_In 2007, the Supreme Court of Belize ruled in favor of Mayan communities that challenged the government's right to lease their lands to logging interests.

_A similar ruling by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights on behalf of the forest-dwelling Saramaka maroons in Suriname reinforced that indigenous groups must give consent to major development projects.

_Last December, Nicaragua's government finally granted collective land titles to the Mayagna people, complying with a landmark 2001 ruling by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights that it had no right to sell logging concessions on Indian land.

_The following month, Colombia's Constitutional Court deemed more than 1 million indigenous people "in danger of cultural and physical extermination" and told the government to protect them.

_And in May, Brazil's Supreme Court ordered rice farmers to leave the long-disputed Raposa Serra do Sol reservation — 4.2 million acres (1.7 million hectares) inhabited by 18,000 Indians in the Amazon's northernmost reaches.

Despite the legal rulings, Indians remain second-class citizens.

Only one indigenous representative has ever been elected to the national congress in Brazil, according to the government office that oversees issues related to Indians, who occupy vast areas of the Amazon though they account for less than 5 percent of the population.

In Guatemala, where nearly half the population is of Mayan descent, not a single Indian has ever made it to national office.

Educational disadvantages perpetuate the inequity.

In Guatemala, three in four indigenous people are illiterate, the U.N. says. In Mexico, where 6 percent of the population is illiterate, 22 percent of adult Indians are. Even in Bolivia, only 55 percent of indigenous children finish primary school, compared to 81 percent of other kids.

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Efforts to "decolonize" remain fragile.

In eastern Bolivia — where the United Nations says several thousand Guarani Indians, including children, work as virtual slaves on large estates — Morales has promised autonomy. But the area's elite, Morales' fiercest opponents, won't let that happen without a fight.

Obtaining autonomy should be less contentious for Indians in western highlands towns like Jesus de Machaca, in part because the land in question yields so little.

Jesus de Machaca is a hardscrabble farming town near Lake Titicaca that is more than 96 percent Aymara Indian. It is among 12 Bolivian municipalities, mostly Aymara and Quechua, whose inhabitants will vote Dec. 6 on becoming autonomous. Under self-rule, they would legalize governing practices that precede the Inca empire.

Local leaders called mallkus are democratically elected by their communities in public votes, then choose senior town officials. Terms in office are restricted to a year. The system is closer to socialism than capitalism.

Deputy mayor Braulio Cusi says autonomy will hugely benefit a community where nearly all the 13,700 residents live in adobe brick homes and use cow manure as cooking fuel, where most homes lack running water and babies are born at home because there's no hospital or clinic.

"Dairy cooperatives, cheese processing. There will be jobs," says Cusi, who slings a white leather whip over his poncho as a symbol of authority. He envisions a slaughterhouse, and hopes to attract a veterinarian.

The town's more than 900 square kilometers (350 square miles) are devoted mostly to cattle, llamas and sheep grazing, potatoes and quinoa. Purchased in the 16th and 17th century by natives who refused to become tenant farmers, they are communally owned but parceled out. Selling to outsiders is prohibited.

Jesus de Machaca took its first step toward autonomy when it became an independent municipality in 2002. It later elected its first mayor, also a mallku.

The national government more than doubled the town's budget. More than 70 percent of homes now have electricity — up from one in ten in 2001 — and construction just ended on a three-story municipal building with parquet floors and oak doors.

The town is even building a soccer stadium — with astroturf, one councilman proudly notes.

"Before, we were forgotten," Cusi says after watching the Wiphala banner of the Andes' indigenous peoples raised up a flagpole in the shadow of an imposing Spanish colonial church.

"Now we're going to define, in our way, how we live — according to our own customs and practices."

Associated Press writers contributing to this report included Mark Stevenson in Mexico City; Eva Vergara in Santiago, Chile; Jeanneth Valdivieso in Macas, Ecuador; Carlos Valdez in La Paz, Bolivia; Juan Carlos Llorca in Guatemala City; Ian James in Caracas, Venezuela; and Bradley Brooks in Rio de Janeiro.