Prensa de Frente
Let us expand on some keys points regarding this unprecedented process in
The social movements made up of peasants, merchants, workers, professionals and academics — each composed to a greater or lesser extent by natives and mestizos, more than 60 percent of the population — are demonstrating with combative mass actions in the streets that they regard the present government as theirs. Two of the major achievements that were won in the first year — the nationalization of hydrocarbons and the launching of the constituent assembly — had been key slogans driving the decisive struggles of recent years.
As for the powerful Pro Santa Cruz Civic Committee, whose members say they remain “racially pure”, they are promoting a virtual division of the country known as the “half moon” together with the prefect of Tarija and the prefects of the jungle departments of Pando and Bení. Faced with the actual impossibility of returning to power at this stage, the gas and oil elites have redefined the concept of autonomy to their advantage, making up a bloc self-defined as “economically sustainable” and refusing to centralize and share their regional earnings.
Under democratic and military governments, the committee and the sectors it represents were responsible for the historic looting of the country. Among other things, they opposed the construction of roads that would unite the production of eastern and western
Occasionally, on the periphery of this polarization, there appear urban middle classes who in many cases voted for Evo Morales in the December 2005 presidential elections, but for the conservative parties in their respective departments. While not sympathizing with the separatist project, the inhabitants of the major cities draw back whenever the peasants rise up in what is defined by the media as a “radical indigenism”, isolating the popular sectors and confronting the Morales government with a hard choice: to uphold the systemic and institutional consensus between the middle strata or to respond automatically to the demands of its bases of support.
As its opening move, imperialism has drawn a regional fence around the potential of the Bolivian process. While the governments of Perú and Colombia – fellow members with Bolivia in the Andean Community of Nations – have each signed Free Trade Agreements with the United States, in Mercosur the situation is no different: despite appearances, the policies of the Brazilian government through Petrobras and its subsidiaries, accompanied by its associate, Argentina, replicate the imperialist approach, albeit on a reduced scale. Only
It is clear that the process of change that