Ann Chaplin
Social movements in Bolivia: from strength to power
Ann Chaplin
In October 2003, President Gonzalo Sánchez
de Lozada, one of the main authors of neoliberal reforms in Bolivia,
was forced
to flee the country amid a groundswell of social
organizations calling for his resignation. Successive neoliberal
governments
since the mid-1980s had tried to weaken civil
society organizations; yet, in the face of continued injustice and
exclusion,
people turned to their social organizations to push
their claims. In January 2006, Evo Morales Ayma became Bolivia's first
indigenous president, with the backing of these
social movements. In a country where the majority is of indigenous
background,
but where being indigenous was synonymous with
poverty and exclusion, this was an historic and unprecedented moment for
the
country
This article considers the factors which
came together to effect this remarkable change and brought people from
indigenous
and popular backgrounds into the corridors of
power. In particular, it considers the transformation of the role of
Bolivian
social movements, from presenting their disparate
demands to government, to a more coordinated, proactive and political
role.
Finally, it addresses the question of what role the
social movements play in the process for change currently underway in
Bolivia.
Over many centuries Bolivia has depended
on the export of raw materials – first silver, then tin and now natural
gas – to
feed the industrial and financial development of
other nations, European and North American. The Uruguayan writer Eduardo
Galeano talks of a bridge of silver that could have
been built over the Atlantic Ocean with the silver taken by the
Spaniards
from the mining town of Potosí in Bolivia (Galeano, 1997).
When the tin-mining industry collapsed in the 1980s, for a while coca
production played an important role in the Bolivian
economy. For centuries, the vast majority of
Bolivians had lived in semi-feudal conditions; some worked in the mines,
others
on large landed estates; indigenous people lived on
the poorest land. The popular revolution in 1952, however, involving
miners,
campesinos (subsistence peasant farmers) and parts of the middle classes, brought important changes. It led to the nationalization of
the mines, land reform and voting rights to campesinos and women.
Social organization in Bolivia, as in much of the Andes, is largely based on indigenous and campesino/peasant farmer
values and practices. The individual and the community are closely
knit: individuals contribute to the collective good, while
also gaining benefits from collaboration with
others. One family or individual typically helps another to sow a field
or harvest
their crops. At times, all the community works
together to clear access roads, dig water channels or to bring in the
harvest.
Sometimes, whole communities turn out to help
others, with the debt being repaid subsequently, even decades later.
Important
decisions in the community are made collectively,
even sometimes on matters like who to vote for in an election.
It was the miners' union, the Federación
Sindical de Trabajadores Mineros de Bolivia (FSTMB), set up in 1944,
however, that
for decades formed the backbone of Bolivian popular
organization. It provided leadership to the workers' union
confederation,
the Central Obrera Boliviana (COB), established in
the wake of the 1952 revolution. The COB, the Bolivian equivalent of the
Trades Union Congress, has been unique in Latin
America. It represented a spectrum of social organizations across social
classes
and also encompassed a wide variety of political
positions – not just that of one political party. Miners would meet
together
with campesinos, manufacturing workers,
teachers and health workers, transport workers, street sales people,
university students and cultural
groups. Their demands were often for the
improvement of basic working conditions and rights for their members.
However, they
were consistent in taking action to defend their
political rights; the COB and the miners' federation clashed repeatedly
with
dictatorial governments at different times.
In recent decades, there have also been
significant demographic changes. The majority of the people are of
indigenous background
(62 percent according to the 2001 census) and
traditionally rural dwellers (38 percent according the same census), but
an
increasingly large number are no longer
rural-based. The indigenous people, who migrated to the cities, took
with them their
strong values and traditions learnt in rural
communities. Indigenous communities have strong organizational
traditions, which
are different in the highland and lowland regions.
Highland indigenous groups have largely organized along two lines. The
1952 Revolution led to land reforms through which campesinos were given small plots of land, in many cases taken back from the large estate owners (hacendados).
They adopted a form of organization based on that of the workers'
unions: the agrarian trade union. These are organized
from community level upwards, with members elected
to take part in local and regional federations. In 1979, with the
backing
of the COB, a single national confederation,
(Confederación Sindical de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia – CSUTCB)
was created,
bringing together the peasant movement under the
leadership of Genaro Flores (who was shot and consequently disabled
after
the military coup of 1980). This national
organization put a stop to the many years of manipulation of campesino leaders and organizations by the main ruling party, the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR), after 1952 and by the
dictators who ruled the country in the 1960s and 1970s.
However, these agrarian unions sidelined an earlier form of rural organization, dating back to pre-colonial times. The ayllu
brings together families from a group of communities in an organization
that has traditionally been responsible for defence
of territorial boundaries and resources,
agricultural production and community justice. Under Spanish colonial
rule, the leaders
of the ayllus were responsible locally for law and order and for the payment of tribute to the Spanish crown. The 500th anniversary of
the Spanish invasion in 1992 brought with it a resurgence in indigenous pride, prompting the ayllus that still existed to reorganize and reassert themselves. In 1997, a national organization of ayllus was established to represent their interests.
Lowland indigenous organizations have a
rather different history. The eastern lowlands, seemingly ‘empty’ 60
years ago (except
for some early settlers from the highlands and
migrants from overseas attracted by the vast extensions of arable land),
are
home to over thirty indigenous nations. These
groups vary widely from Amazonian Indians with little contact with the
outside
world, to the Guaraní people who were ‘protected’
for many years from outside influences by the Jesuit missions in this
region.
From the 1970s onwards, NGOs began working with
indigenous groups, particularly in Santa Cruz, on issues of rights and
empowerment.
In 1982, four indigenous organizations set up the
Confederación de Pueblos Indígenas de Bolivia (CIDOB). In 1990, lowland
indigenous groups carried out the first of several
long marches to present their demands in the capital, La Paz,
particularly
relating to land ownership. They have since become
well organized political actors in the lowlands, but distinct from their
highland counterparts.
The year 1985 brought a change of
government with the MNR party, promoters of the nationalist and statist
1952 revolution,
returning to power on a neoliberal ticket. The
swinging adjustment measures of that year, followed by the collapse of
the
world price of tin, resulted in an exodus from the
mines. The closure of most state-run mines forced about 27,000 miners
and
their families to leave their jobs and homes and to
seek a new life elsewhere. Some went to the main cities to look for
work,
while others returned to work the land. Many
migrated to the tropics, such as the Chapare, where coca leaf farming
offered
an alternative livelihood
The effect on popular organization was
disastrous. With the miners reduced to a small number of people left in
charge of maintaining
some of the mines, the influence of the FSTMB
collapsed. And, given the weight of the miners union in the COB, the COB
itself
was much weakened. Social organizations found
themselves unable to hold back the economic and political reforms that
followed.
These were aimed at firmly reducing state
involvement in the economy and welfare benefits, privatizing and selling
off strategic
national industries and opening up the country to
the free market. Bolivia ended up importing cheap foodstuffs: eggs were
brought from neighbouring Chile and even potatoes
from Argentina and Peru. Bolivian producers were forced to take severe
cuts
in prices. The social costs were high, and poverty
rates rose. The 2001 census showed only 16 percent of the population as
having its basic needs met. Much of the population
turned to informal activities to make ends meet, and organization based
on labour relations ceased to be the major catalyst
of social organization.
As part of his programme of structural
reforms in the mid-1990s, Sánchez de Lozada introduced the law of
‘Popular Participation’
in 1994. This sought to decentralize 20 percent of
the national budget to over 300 municipalities. Local social
organizations
were to take part in decisions on planning the use
of resources and in holding authorities to account. This move to
decentralize
state responsibilities, aimed at attending to needs
at the local level, also sought to undermine the strong social
organizations
organized at the national level. However, it had
the opposite effect since it threw a lifeline to those social
organizations
already organized on a territorial basis, such as
the campesino and indigenous organizations, as well as urban neighbourhood groups, the juntas vecinales.
Campesino and indigenous groups,
and neighbourhood committees, began slowly to play a more important
role in planning the use of local
resources, coming together to decide which
communities or neighbourhoods should benefit from municipal projects. In
areas
where the population was predominantly indigenous
and/or rural, they also began to put forward their own candidates in
elections.
At first, they looked to existing political parties
to include them in their lists of local candidates, and then they began
to organize their own parties such as the
Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) and Movimiento Indígena Pachacuti (MIP),
led, respectively,
by Evo Morales and Felipe Quispe.
These factors, the involvement in local
planning, the experience of standing for elections and holding office in
municipal
government, have been critical for the political
development of many indigenous and popular leaders. Before they were
excluded
from taking part in government, whereas they now
had an opportunity both to learn how local government is run and to gain
confidence in their ability to take on these
responsibilities. A good example is René Joaquino, a tailor, whose
success as
mayor of Potosí saw him re-elected for three terms.
In 2009, he stood as a candidate for the presidency.
However, while the political development
of male indigenous leaders has grown, there are still many barriers to
women's participation.
In indigenous communities, women traditionally take
on representative roles, but they do so as wives, in partnership with
their husbands. This tradition is maintained within
indigenous communities and often in areas where migrants have moved to
the towns. From marriage onwards, a couple can
occupy posts of increasing levels of complexity and responsibility.
However,
in practice, this means that it is usually the man
who takes on tasks of representation outside the community, and
indigenous
women rarely become involved in politics.
The electoral innovation of alternancia
introduced under the Evo Morales government strengthens the electoral
rule that 30 percent of candidates should be women.
It stipulates that if a man is first on a list of
candidates, then he should be followed by a woman in the second place or
vice versa. At first, women elected as municipal
councillors found it difficult to assert themselves and spoke little in
sessions.
However, the situation is changing slowly, and
there are several women who are now role models for young girls growing
up
in the communities. Rosa Choque Muruchi was made
the first woman Mayor of Uncía. She is unusual in as far as she is not
married
and is from the indigenous Ayllu Aimaya in Norte
Potosí. This empowerment of young women is in part due to the efforts of
NGOs such as the research and educational promotion
centre, CIPE (Centro de Investigación y Promoción Educativo), in the
Norte
Potosí area, which supports agricultural production
by working with family groupings within the ayllus, respecting their cultural knowledge and practices. CIPE works with indigenous families both in their communities and at
ayllu level organizations and includes
training for women in literacy, self-esteem and local government and
institutions as integral
to their programme. These are some early but
crucial steps towards empowering women to take on representative roles
in their
communities, although there is a long way to go
before this extends to the majority of women.
Partly as a consequence of the spaces
opened up through the Law of Popular Participation and partly spurred by
the effects
of neoliberal policies, social organizations began
to have a stronger voice, which they amplified through increased levels
of organization and mobilization to make their
demands more widely heard. New alliances and coordinated forms of
resistance
emerged around the country in the late 1990s.
Coca producers organized themselves to
challenge government policies of coca leaf eradication, in response to
US demands,
which led to frequent clashes between coca
producers and the army and anti-narcotics police. Evo Morales'
leadership of the
‘Federation of Six Federations’ in the Chapare
brought him into the national limelight. At the same time, campesino
organizations carried out road blockades, frequently bringing traffic
in parts of the country to a halt for weeks at a time,
to draw attention to the low prices they were
getting for their produce. The government's privatization policies,
introduced
in line with neo-liberal reforms, triggered a
spectrum of social actors to come together to carry out coordinated acts
of
resistance.
In Cochabamba in 2000, an alliance of
civic groups rallied to protest against the privatized water company
hiking its prices
and making mains water connections too expensive
for most people. Small-scale agricultural producers living on the
outskirts
of the town, people living in the poorer districts,
manufacturing workers and coca producers brought the city to a stop on
several occasions. This was known as the ‘water
war’. The international company involved, Bechtel, was finally asked to
leave
the country, returning water provision to local
administration. After several years of negotiation, Bechtel agreed to
drop
its claim and was paid nominal compensation.
Another experience of popular organizing is El Alto, a city of almost one million people that sits above La Paz. Most of its
residents are of campesino origins and
retain a strong tradition of community. Following the closure of the
mines, there was also an influx of miners
and their families; they brought with them their
trade union experience and discipline. These experiences found a home in
the neighbourhood committees across the city which
had been working for some time on local issues. In August 2003, when the
mayor attempted to introduce increases in taxes on
houses and land, these neighbourhood committees played an active part
and
people took to the streets to protest, and two
months later, El Alto was the epicentre of the showdown with President
Sánchez
de Lozada.
These localized expressions of primarily indigenous and campesino
dissent and protest came together at a national level in 2003 around
what became known as the ‘gas war’. The government introduced
a proposal to sell part of Bolivia's natural gas to
the United States, exporting it through Chile (with which Bolivia has
longstanding territorial disputes). The proposal
proved extremely unpopular, and an initial road block protest by campesinos was violently dispersed by the Minister of the Interior with part of the army. Six protesters were killed in the small town
of Warisata to the north of La Paz.
These events strengthened a sense of common purpose across the different social movements.
Campesinos
from the highland areas were supported by coca growers from the
sub-tropics, unionized miners and those working in cooperatives,
neighbourhood committees in El Alto and La Paz and
even people from the middle classes. The movements' initial demands –
increasing
state revenue from natural gas and convening a
constituent assembly to draw up a new constitution – soon took on a new
slant
when some sixty-five people were killed by the
army. In response, the rallying call changed to ousting the president.
The
towns of El Alto and neighbouring La Paz were
brought to a complete halt for over ten days. Every day the city of La
Paz became
a rolling sea of different organizations, all
marching in different directions, yet with a similar purpose. There was
no one
leader, but many.
In December 2005, Evo Morales, an indigenous campesino,
was elected to the presidency. This was an unprecedented event which
displaced the traditional elites from political power.
His government moved quickly to increase the rate
of taxes paid by petrol, gas and mining companies. This revenue was
redistributed
to the poorer parts of the population in the form
of payments and allowances to children, the elderly, and pregnant women
and their babies and channelled to regional and
municipal governments and to state universities. A Constituent Assembly
was
elected in 2006 and rewrote the constitution in
order to, among other things, recognize the rights of indigenous people.
The presence of an indigenous coca grower
in the presidency is, however, not to the liking of the elite, now
displaced from
positions of power and decision-making. There has
been vociferous and sometime violent opposition to the new government.
The
involvement of indigenous people, however, at top
levels in government, including some women, has brought a tremendous
sense
of empowerment. Fifty years ago, indigenous people
were not allowed to walk in the main squares of towns, whereas today
they
walk the halls of the presidential palace.
This change in government has not only signified recognition and political influence for the indigenous and campesino
Bolivian people, but has also introduced indigenous cultural values
into its policies. The government's social policy is
based on the concept of ‘living well’, which is an
idea rooted in local indigenous culture which seeks to ensure people
have
access to the means to life. It gives emphasis to
relationships of solidarity with others and how to live in harmony with
nature, rather than being better off than your
neighbour. It resonates with the notion of ‘quality of life’; ‘living
well’
implies the covering of material needs, but also
involves personal growth and empowerment. In the current global context
where
capitalist values and excessive consumption are
being questioned, this idea rings true beyond Bolivia's borders, and it
provides
the basis for Bolivian involvement in international
meetings on climate change.
It has been argued in this article that
the social movements that brought Evo Morales to power are rooted in the
strong tradition
of organization that still persists in the Andes,
and in particular in Bolivia. Living in difficult conditions, people
have
come together to form mutual help systems at the
local level. Though migration to the towns has affected these structures
and practices, it has also allowed their
dissemination in the cities.
The nature of social organization in
Bolivia has also been shaped by the exclusionary behaviour of
government: as their demands
were persistently ignored, people have become
accustomed to resorting to protest to make their voices heard. The
previous
government's refusal to negotiate provoked the mass
mobilizations that took place. Since the return to democracy at the
start
of the 1980s, political parties represented the
interests of only a small elite. No effort was made to build bridges
with
the excluded majority, except at election time.
Parties took turns in power, in a variety of coalitions. The silent
majority
watched on as this situation unfolded, biding its
time. Consequently, political parties lost any vestige of respect, and
social
movements have replaced them as key interlocutors
between the people and government. The ‘movement of social movements’
that
forms the MAS ‘political instrument’ – as they call
it – is a powerful underpinning for government. Ironically, part of its
strength lies in its lack of a formal structure.
As we have seen, the Bolivian social organizations that have come together at critical points in the last fifty years represent
diverse demands. Some organizations represent trades or guilds; campesinos,
manufacturing workers and miners organize around issues of production.
For some, the concern is about improving prices,
whereas for others it is about labour relations.
Indigenous groups, neighbourhood committees and groups working on
regional
problems are more based on territorially defined
matters, such as land, and access to basic services. What is critical is
that these are democratic organizations which
represent and respond to their memberships as a whole, and as such,
political
parties have failed to control them or bend them to
their positions. This recognition is one of the key strengths of
Bolivia's
social movements. Social organizations such as the campesinos
and indigenous people, miners working for cooperatives and pensioners
support the government of Evo Morales and the MAS,
but they are not a tool of it. The government is
aware that people can take away their support at any moment, and this
keeps
the doors of government open at all times.
So, it is from a position where the union
movement was in disarray and unable to challenge the introduction of
neoliberal
reforms that social organizations have been able to
rebuild, each one from its own perspective and attending to the needs
and demands of its own members. As common areas of
interest and demands developed, this began to take on a political
momentum,
and demands were no longer local in their scope and
relevance, but national and global. The demands these movements raised
when they threw out the President Sánchez de Lozada
in October 2003 included raising the revenues from oil and gas and
drawing
up a new constitution. These demands were taken up
by Evo Morales and became central planks of his government's policies.
The active involvement of social
organizations in the process of change in Bolivia guarantees continuity
of this political
project for some years to come. The challenges will
be for the government to deliver on its promises of redistribution, of
creating jobs, of building a more democratic state
and particularly in the industrialization of the country's natural
resources.
In the international arena, much will depend on how
much the idea of ‘living well’ strikes a note with other peoples, in a
world already concerned with climate change.
Ann Chaplin is an aid worker
and facilitator of development processes who has lived and worked in the
Andes for the last thirty
years, much of the time in Bolivia. She
studied languages, and then Government and Sociology at the University
of Essex. More
recently she studied Documentary
Photography at Newport, Wales.
Republished from
Community Development Journal
(2010)
45
(3):
346-355.
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